Article | Why Administrative Reform is a “disaster of

This reform is already born old. Old because the interests it hides are the same as decades ago, an effort to revive political patronage in public service and its perverse matrix: subjugating the service and public servants to local, personal and momentary political interests.

And if the entire proposal of this federal government represents a setback, whether economic, social, political, environmental, social security, labor, one would expect the same from this administrative reform. In other words, a disaster of pocket-sized proportions.

Again, the shameless courage in proposing the dismantling of the State and the social deconstruction of the public service, at a time when the Nation, orphaned by the government, seeks strength in its indignation to save lives and Democracy, threatened by the lack of governance, by denial and purposeful misinformation. And everything that was left to us, and saved, is now under attack: public health care, its universality, research and its researchers, public education, just to say the most obvious.

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The premise for an administrative reform should, of course, be the improvement and quality of the public service. Brazil has historically contradicted the evidence. The reforms carried out have always been inspired by the fiscalist spirit of the government, reducing public spending. And for that, no matter whether it is true or not, that civil servants and public services consume a large part of the public budget, this advertisement finds a place in the hearts of Brazilians who have been consuming this unilateral vision in the media for decades.

The time has come to rescue the truth: the breach in public accounts is not and has never been in public service expenditures. The Ministry of Economy peremptorily failed to prove the savings to be achieved by the reform proposal. Summoned, officiated, notified by various bodies and entities, including the Federal Court of Accounts, finally, he admitted the inexistence of a budget impact study.

This reason – not knowing the budgetary impacts of the reform – would be enough to stop the initiative. But our National Congress, divided like our society, also has its ambitions, and it advances the reform at the touch of a button.

It is true that the administrative reform brings with it a deconstitutionalization of rights, passing a good part of its regulation to laws yet to be edited, removing its vectors from the Constitution. Furthermore, it excludes parliamentarians, judges, prosecutors, prosecutors and military personnel from its reform, and therefore maintains the already existing distortions, which destroys the argument of the need to carry out the reform.

The reform allows public servants and the infrastructure of the Public Administration to work for the private sector, which, obviously, exempted from the investment costs, will have even more profit, with no return to the State

It also allows temporary hiring for up to 10 years, making public hiring more precarious and allowing contracts for sponsorship, a serious violation of such expensive principles as impersonality and morality.

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In other words, the reform seeks to replace civil servants with a contingent of outsourced and temporary workers, in an absolute precariousness of the civil servants’ work relations. But it must be said loud and clear: the precariousness of hiring impacts directly and immediately on the essential activities of providing public service.

I have already commented in another article that, according to data presented by IPEA, 90% of public servants are in States and Municipalities. The universalization of the Brazilian public service resulted, essentially, from the Federal Constitution of 1988, which universalized social policies, since the municipality, through education and health services, carries out and executes this universalization.

The municipalities expanded their competences and attributions, with the provision of services that integrate the nucleus of the welfare state – education, health and assistance. Thus, the municipal executive is the major employer in the Brazilian public sector.

According to the aforementioned study, in municipalities, for example, 40% of occupations correspond to professionals in education or health services: teachers, doctors, nurses and health agents. Only basic and elementary school teachers make up one third of the Municipalities’ employees.

As can be seen, when this reform is intended to reach the public servants, it is necessary to be clear who the reform is addressed to: everyone who uses public health, education and assistance services, since these are the areas that synthesize the policies social essentials.

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Do not delude the current servants either; They will be subject to the new performance evaluation rules, the possibility of reducing the working hours with a reduction in salaries and the withdrawal of remuneration installments which, in particular, in States and Municipalities, represent a significant portion of their remuneration.

We need to stop this project in its entirety. After all the experience we went through, with real proof of the importance of the SUS in our lives, it is necessary to value all our servers, our health professionals, our researchers, our teachers, it’s now or never, and we won’t be one more time, against the grain of history.

*Lara Lorena Ferreira is a lawyer. Member of the Executive Coordination of ABJD-SP. Member of CNASP – National Collective of Lawyers for Public Servants.

*This is an opinion piece. The author’s vision does not necessarily express the newspaper’s editorial line Brazil in fact.

Edition: Vinicius Segalla

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